Turning the Corner
The Conservative climate-change plan is a recipe for disaster

When it comes to global warming, the Conservative government has no international
credibility, but if we're going to be honest, the Liberal Party under Jean
Chretien and Paul Martin were no better.
But times have changed. Sometime around 2004, the evidence supporting
global warming became overwhelming, changing from a generally-accepted
scientific theory into a scientific fact.
But the real story was the pace of change, with scientists realizing that
global warming had accelerated beyond all expectations. Events that were
expected to take 20 or 30 years were happening right before their eyes.
Greenland was melting. Tundra that had been frozen for millennia was thawing
rapidly. Huge glaciers placed by the last ice age were calving prodigiously,
leaving behind a barren and diminished landscape.
In the space of about 18 months, global warming was understood to be the
greatest threat the world has ever faced, greater than the Cold War, greater
than Hitler's rise to power. People describe such sentiments as alarmist,
but the simple truth is that we are balancing on a precipice, and the actions
we take in the next three or four years will either enrich, or impoverish,
the lives of those who follow.
Stephen Harper became Prime Minister during this time of new understanding.
His Liberal predecessors might not have done much to combat climate change,
but they did provide him with the healthiest economy among G8 nations,
with a recurring annual surplus of $12 - $14 billion. What an incredible
opportunity! Instead of using that money to launch a green revolution,
as developed countries throughout the world are doing, Harper cut the GST
by 2 points, and offered tax breaks to the wealthiest Canadians. For most
of 2008, Canada has been in and out of a deficit position on a month-by-month
basis.
As strategies go, the Conservative government has been highly cynical.
To meet our international climate obligations, the opposition parties realize
that we have to raise some form of carbon tax, and that's always a difficult
proposition, especially with so so much of the media in the hands of right-wing
ideologues.
Nevertheless we do have moral imperative. We are Canadians, and that means
that we are honest, hard-working, and fair-minded. We didn't inherit our
country from our parents, we're borrowing it from our children. And we
have been unthinking caretakers who have created a horrible mess. It's
time to take responsibility.
We are a better country than we have been for the last decade. At a time
when all 27 member states in the European Union are within striking distance
of their Kyoto obligations, Canada's greenhouse gas emissions have grown
by 28 percent since 1990. That is the most shameful record among developed
nations.
We are the worst of the worst. As a country, we should be profoundly and
utterly embarrassed. And with the Alberta
Tar Sands — Planet
Earth's most toxic environmental disaster — expanding by leaps and
bounds, we are poised to assume the dubious mantel of being the world's
most selfish developed nation, and that's saying something. People point
fingers at countries like China and India, but the simple truth is that
the average Chinese emits about one-fifth as many greenhouse gases as the
average Haligonian. The average Indian has but one twentieth the carbon
footprint of the average Calgarian.
All four opposition parties — the Liberals, NDP, Bloc Quebecois, and the
Green Party are pledging to make the environment a major focus of the next
Parliament. The Conservative Party is trying to bamboozle the country into
believing that it's working to cut emissions. Their proposal, called Turning
the Corner, is better described as business as usual. While it does
take a few tentative steps toward energy efficiency, most respected analysts
are predicting that Canada's greenhouse emissions will rise dramatically
in the next decade, especially with an escalation at the Tar Sands. The
Conservatives may argue that we're Turned the Corner but, in reality, they've
lead us to a dead-end street.
Consider this analysis, compiled by the David
Suzuki Foundation just before the international climate summit in
Bali, where Environment MInister John Baird did everything he could to
stifle progress (where the Canadian and US delegations were booed).
The current federal government has consistently made clear that it will
not attempt to meet Canada’s Kyoto phase 1 target. It has ruled out any
public funding for emission-reduction projects in developing countries
that would count towards Canada’s target (through Kyoto’s Clean Development
Mechanism). The government has also failed to make any commitment to
accept Kyoto’s penalties for non-compliance with targets.
As the only nation to have agreed to be legally bound by a Kyoto target
and then reneged on it, Canada enters the negotiations in Bali with severely
weakened credibility. Any effort to persuade other major emitters to
take on new commitments will surely be hampered by the government’s rejection
of its own existing obligations.
Canada will also arrive in Bali with an emission-reduction plan that
every independent reviewer has found will fall short of even the targets
that the government has substituted for Kyoto’s. After performing a modelling
analysis for the C.D. Howe Institute, economist Mark Jaccard concluded
that the government’s plan would allow Canada’s emissions remain indefinitely
above current levels.
The Deutsche Bank’s analysis of the plan reached a
similar conclusion:
"...because the Turning the Corner plan allows for the offsetting
of emissions at what we think is too low a price to incentivize investment
in new low-carbon technologies, we think that even these much less ambitious
targets will probably not be achieved. In short, under current policies
we would expect Canada’s industrial GHG emissions to continue rising
over 2006–20."
The Pembina Institute’s
own analysis uncovered numerous loopholes and gaps that undermine the
credibility of the government’s target for 2020, and concluded that the
government’s proposed policies have little chance of meeting its near-term
target of stopping the growth in Canada’s GHG pollution by 2010–12.
A key factor in these conclusions is the government’s decision to rely
on “intensity” targets (targets for emissions per unit of production)
instead of absolute emission targets for industry. Intensity targets
allow emissions to continue to rise when industrial production is increasing
rapidly.
Finally, the National Roundtable on the Environment and the Economy
(NRTEE) scrutinized each element of the government’s emission-reduction
plan. Of the 23 measures in the plan, the NRTEE concluded that the government
had “likely overestimated” the emission reductions from six of seven
of the measures (including all three regulatory measures), and that there
was “insufficient information to reach a conclusion” on the ability of
15 of the measures to reach their targets.
Conclusion
Writing in The National Post last November, Minister Baird stated
that “Canada is well placed to be a bridge between those nations that
are signatory to Kyoto and those that aren’t."
The U.S. is the best-known Kyoto outlier and one of the world’s top
two emitters, so it was almost certainly one of the nations that Minister
Baird had in mind. However, a comparison of Canada’s position with that
of the U.S. and the EU finds Canada aligned much more closely with the
current U.S. Administration’s position than the more climate-friendly
policies of the EU. Clearly, Canada’s credibility as a bridge is in doubt.
In addition to being a bridge between nations, the Government of Canada
is seeking recognition as a “leader” in the global effort to combat climate
change. In a recent speech, Prime Minister Harper stated: “We want to
be a world leader in the fight against global warming and the development
of clean energy. We want to lead, not by lecturing, but by example.”
Minister Baird has gone even further and claimed that Canada is already
a leader, writing that “Canada has taken a leadership role on the international
front as an important player in the effort against climate change.”
The Prime Minister’s desire to lead others is seriously undermined by
Canada’s track record on Kyoto phase 1, the weakness of its current targets
for post-2012, and the failing grade that the government’s plan has received
from four independent analyses. The Government of Canada to [needs to
bring] its climate policies in line with its rhetoric.
And that's why we need to support One Blue Marble.
And we need to urge our politicians of every stripe to put the country
before their party, and work to slow the climate crisis.
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